The Turkish route to the European integrating has its roots in the Ankara Agreement signed in 1963 and has passed through multiple political stages, shaped by the political attitudes of the both parts and affected by economic fortunes, eventually making a dead end in 2006. Now the political positions of both parts are altering so it is interesting to look into on the procedure of accession and on how it developed in the instance of Turkey with all the related issues. The purpose is to understand whether, despite all odds, Turkey continues to fix itself for eventual accession to the European Union ( Demetrios A. Theophylactou, 2010, Harvard International Review ) and if the proposal expressed by the EU to resuscitate the accession procedure after a period of stagnancy is capable to convey fresh dynamism to the EU-Turkey dealingss.METHODOLOGY AND LITERATURE REVIEWThe existent intent of this research paper is to research some issues related to the Turkish accession to the EU by roll uping and analyzing information fundamentally from the imperativeness and from academic beginnings. In add-on it will be provided the consequence of a little study which will fundamentally dwell in inquiring to a sensible sum of echt Turks what do they truly think about their state ‘s route to the EU.GENERAL ISSUESThe chief thought for this research paper has been provided by the contact with a moderately big community of Turkish people which is analyzing and working abroad, in and outside Estonia. The twelvemonth 2012 has been the twelvemonth of the assignment of the Peace Nobel Price to Europe originating a considerable sum of inquiries between the public sentiment and in the academic environment.

For this ground it may sound interesting to cover with one of the most controversial and unresolved instances of the EU expansion, adding to the research some feedbacks from normal people who moved from Turkey to analyze, to work or merely for pleasance and, of class, from the former coevals of Turks that has moved one time but now live in their fatherland.RESEARCH QUESTIONThe purpose of this paper is to measure if the European attitude to the Turkish integrating issue with can ensue complementary to the Turkish committedness to its ain integrating in Europe. More specifically to understand whether Turkey is missing of committedness to the job or on the EU side the obstructions are destined to get the better of the initial intents of inclusion.RestrictionIt takes a considerable attempt to follow an nonsubjective position on this issue as the European Community beginnings have a impersonal attitude to the job while newspapers and academic stuff produced in Turkey tend to hold a peculiar point of position.In add-on, the issue is unsolved so it is merely possible to do theoretical previsions.THE Beginning: THE EU ENLARGEMENT, INITIAL ENTHUSIASMSMerely a few old ages ago, Europe headed Turkey ‘s political docket and the European Union itself was distributing enthusiastic feedbacks on the advancement towards Europe made by the Turkish Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdogan ( 2003-now ) . In the words of President Barroso following the election of Abdullah Gul as President of the Republic of Turkey ( 29/08/2007 )“ I want to compliment for your re-election [ aˆ¦ ] This represents a considerable accomplishment for Turkey and the Turkish people. [ aˆ¦ ] In my position, this provides an chance to give fresh, immediate and positive drift to the accession procedure to the European Union through advancement in a figure of cardinal countries.

We Will Write a Custom Essay Specifically
For You For Only $13.90/page!


order now

“ ( europa.eu, press subdivision )Now this sort of initial Euro-enthusiasm is now melting off from both parts. To understand what happened we should look to the beginnings of this cooperation and to the chief stairss of it.

PATH TO CANDIDACY TO EU MEMBERSHIPTurkey was one of the first states, in 1959, to seek close cooperation with the immature European Economic Community ( EEC ) .This cooperation was realized in the model of an “ association understanding ” , known as the Ankara Agreement, which was signed on 12 September 1963. An of import component in this program was set uping a “ Customs Union ” so that Turkey could merchandise goods and agricultural merchandises with EEC states without limitations. The chief purpose of the Ankara understanding was to accomplish “ uninterrupted betterment in life conditions in Turkey and in the European Economic Community through accelerated economic advancement and the harmonious enlargement of trade, and to cut down the disparity between the Turkish economic system and the Community ” . ( Europa.eu )Since so the cardinal mileposts in the Turkish route to Europe were built: on 14 April 1987 Turkey submits application for full rank but the European Commission expresses a negative sentiment in 1989 on the state ‘s accession.

In 1993 The EU and Turkey Customs Union dialogues start.On 1 January 1996 The Customs Union between Turkey and the EU takes consequence and eventually at the Helsinki Summit in December 1999, the European Council gives Turkey the position of campaigner state for EU rank, following the Commission ‘s recommendation in its 2nd Regular Report on Turkey.Beneath the Turkish public sentiment the CU has ne’er been viewed like the terminal of the way, on the contrary, accomplishing the free circulation of commercial merchandises and the strongest possible economic integrating with the EU has been seen like the concluding measure before “ traversing the route to full rank ” . Although the official beginnings of information of the EU present the dialogues as a quite additive procedure, a batch of issues emerged inside the Turkish public sentiment in the old ages between the constitution of the CU and the Helsinki Summit. Harmonizing to the Turks, their state was in front of all other possible applier states after subjecting the CU.

But in the Luxembourg Summit of December 1997 Turkey was excluded from the list of campaigner states for rank and this determination was seen as “ unfair and prejudiced ” towards a state that, as the Prime Minister of that clip stated was “ the lone ( aˆ¦ ) that had signed a CU understanding with the EU and at the same clip had been kept outside the Union ‘s rank programs ” . In his sentiment, Turkey was non been treated with the same “ well-meaning attack and nonsubjective standards ” as the other rival states. ( Sedef Eylemer & A ; A°lkay TaAY ( 2007 )Subsequently the Helsinki Summit gave a new hope to the Turkish citizens and pro-EU politicians and was welcomed even on Turkish newspapers as an historical turning point, the cogent evidence that the doors of Europe had been opened to Turkey irreversibly.In 2001 The European Council adopts the EU-Turkey Accession Partnership on 8 March, supplying a route map for Turkey ‘s EU accession procedure.On 19 March, the Turkish Government adopts the NPAA, the National Programme for the Adoption of the Acquis, reflecting the Accession Partnership. At the Copenhagen Summit, in September 2001, the European Council decides to increase significantly EU fiscal support through what is now called “ pre-accession instrument ” ( IPA ) .On 17 December 2004, the European Council decides to open rank negotiations with Turkey and eventually on 3 October 2005 the Accession Negotiations are opened. In November 2007 the European Commission presented to the European Council the Regular Report refering Turkey ‘s accession dialogues.

Basically the first phase of the dialogue, the showing procedure, was completed in October 2006. The first chapter to be negotiated, Chapter 25 – Science and Research, was opened and provisionally closed on 12th June 2006. Despite this in November 2006 the European Union expressed concern over limitations to the free motion of goods, including limitations on agencies of conveyance to which Turkey had committed by subscribing the Additional Protocol to the Ankara Agreement.

With no solution found, the European Council decided on 14-15 December 2006 to suspend dialogues on eight chapters relevant to Turkey ‘s limitations with respect to the Republic of Cyprus ( chapters 1, 3, 9, 11, 13, 14, 29, 30 ) . Anyhow this does n’t intend that the dialogue was wholly out of use. As of January 2007, the dialogues were back on the path on the chapters that were non suspended. To day of the month, 12 chapters have been under dialogues.One of the purposes of this paper is to understand whether Turkey is missing in accomplishments or committedness or whether she is de facto traveling her involvement far from Europe harmonizing to a precise political purpose. To this intent it is relevant to analyze the conditions for the accession of new campaigners to the EU and the so called Acquis.

ACCESSION OF NEW MEMBER STATES TO THE EUROPEAN UNION and THE ACQUISAccession of new Member States to the European Union is provided in Article 49 of the EU Treaty ( TEU ) . The Council must hold nem con to open dialogues, after confer withing the Commission and having the acquiescence of the European Parliament. The conditions of admittance, any passage periods and accommodations to the Treaties on which the Union is founded must be the topic of an understanding between the applicant state and the Member State. To come in into force, the understanding requires confirmation by all the undertaking provinces in conformity with their several constitutional demands.To suit the Central and Eastern European states ‘ involvement in fall ining the EU, the Copenhagen European Council developed the alleged Membership ( besides known as the Copenhagen ) Criteria. This requires possible Member States to carry through certain parametric quantities associating to democratic stableness, human rights, the regulation of jurisprudence and the being of a market economic system, etc.

Deriving EU rank entails a elaborate procedure of: a ) testing a state ‘s eligibility ( dialogues between the Commission and candidate state ) ; B ) a monitoring and review process of advancement being made ; and eventually degree Celsiuss ) a confirmation procedure.To help campaigner states in going full EU members, the Directorate-General for Enlargement offered assorted fiscal bundles, which have later been consolidated into the Instrument for Pre-Accession ( IPA ) in 2006.“ Acquis communautaire ” is a Gallic term mentioning to the cumulative organic structure of European Community Torahs, consisting the EC ‘s aims, substantial regulations, policies and, in peculiar, the primary and secondary statute law and instance jurisprudence – all of which form portion of the legal order of the European Union ( EU ) . This includes all the pacts, ordinances and directives passed by the European establishments, every bit good as judgements laid down by the European Court of Justice. The acquis is dynamic, invariably developing as the Community evolves, and cardinal. All Member States are bound to follow with the acquis communautaire.

The term “ acquis ” is most frequently used in connexion with readyings by campaigner states to fall in the Union. They must follow, implement and implement all the acquis to be allowed to fall in the EU. Equally good as altering national Torahs, this frequently means puting up or altering the necessary administrative or judicial organic structures which oversee the statute law. ( eurofond.europa.eu )ASSESSING THE INITIAL ENTHUSIASM AND THE AIMS OF THE ACCESSIONThe European Commission Staff Working Document presented in 2004 from the Commission of the European Communities contains the complete list of the issues originating from Turkey ‘s rank.

A singular fact is that this papers has been produced in 2004, the twelvemonth of the gap of the Negotiations. From the papers we can acquire the perceptual experience of Turkish integrating as “ disputing for both ” the Union and Turkey, as a procedure that may take some decennaries but if good managed could take to success and to large chances for both the entities.What comes out from this papers is that Turkey has a long manner to integrating and many attempts to make with the execution of the Eu policies. On the other side, the EU appears ready to assist in any manner this alteration moving with the necessary cautiousness, supervising the execution of the Acquis in every domain of the state ‘s policies. The integrating of Turkey would be different from the old expansions, taking into history the size and geographical place of the state and particularly the cultural and spiritual features of its population. By the manner, “ Much will depend on how the EU itself will take on the challenge to go a fully-fledged foreign policy participant in the average term in parts traditionally characterized by instability and tensenesss, including the Middle East and the Caucasus.

“ ( eurofond.europa.eu ) However, if Turkey would be able to get down a procedure of extremist alteration including the development of outlooks it could turn into the of import theoretical account of a state with a bulk Muslim population adhering to such “ cardinal rules as autonomy, democracy, regard for human rights and cardinal freedoms, and the regulation of jurisprudence ” .

( europa.eu )A large economic impact of the accession was non expected, taking into history the little size of the Turkish economic system but the scenery looked rather unpredictable as the state ‘s GDP was expected to turn faster than the European ‘s 1. Another positive history of the accession would be the expected extra migration of immature Turks to the European states that could do a part to countervailing the ripening of EU societies.It is besides singular that Turkish accession would assist to procure better energy supply paths for Europe and the Union ‘s boundary lines would widen to the South Caucasus, ( Armenia, Georgia and Azerbaijan ) and to Syria, Iran and Iraq. This will increase the Union ‘s foreign policy engagement in issues that antecedently would hold been considered as bilateral between Turkey and its neighbours.The chief negative issues related to the Turkish accession to the EU trade with the Fieldss of Human Rights, Regionalism, Freedom of Trade, Economic Growth, as we can read from the 2004 study and from the undermentioned 2006 text of the Council Decision on the Principles, precedences and conditions in the Accession Partnership with Turkey.Structural jobs like the east-west divide of the state in economical capacity, the deficiency of up to day of the month substructures, the low GDP and the limited capacity in the scientific discipline and research country represent a large challenge for coherence policy.

Harmonizing to the study Turkey should foremost work on the modernisation of the substructures and on the preparation system to make a concern environment favorable to investing and to contend the east-west divide with the with the chief centres of economic activity located in the western portion of Turkey. Second, a united attempt is needed to contend corruptness, drug trafficking and organized offense through operating significant administrative reforms and beef uping the jurisprudence enforcement bureaus and their co-operations with the European opposite numbers.Therefore come the issues refering Human rights and democracy. Basically the most of import step requested by the EU are in contending corruptness, in encouraging transparent and efficient elections and battling the usage of anguish and maltreatment. Furthermore, in order to suit to the rules of the European Convention on Human Rights, it is needed to contend many conflicts for the regard of the minorities ( particularly the non-Muslims ) ; the adult females ‘s right and the penalty of the so called “ offense committed in the name of award ” ; the freedom of look, imperativeness and address and the needed remedying to the state of affairs of those individuals prosecuted or sentenced for non-violent look of sentiment.

For the appraisal of the job of Turkey ‘s accession to the EU it is necessary to understand foremost the attempts and advancements made by its authorities from 2004 to now, this could be the cardinal to understand why a dead end occurred in its inclusion into the Eu.ECONOMIC GROWTHAs it has been shown during the 2012 World Economic Forum in Istanbul Turkey ‘s economic system is turning faster and faster, in the current twelvemonth its per capita income has reached 10thousand dollars ( comparing to 3,500 dollars in 2003 ) with the 5 per centum of one-year growing and the surprising addition of foreign investings. Therefore during the meeting a great portion of World Economic Forum Young Global Leaders have bolstered the vision of Turkey as a positive spouse to the European growing with its immature, dynamic economic system and strategic location and the possible part to the EU ‘s energy proviso. Another positive impact of Turkey ‘s accession would be once more the aid to turn to the job of the continent ‘s lessening in population.Probably the state ‘s economic system will be shortly affected by the Eurocrisis as its recent growing is based on goods export to the EU states.Some issues about the economic status of this state come out from the most recent study of the European Commission on the Eu expansion that can be easy summarized in a general perplexity about the continuity in Turkey of inefficient Labour Unions and all the issues connected, like the high incidence of informal employment and child employment and the dramatic per centum of work-related accidents.HUMAN RIGHTS and FREEDOM OF EXPRESSIONThe current state of affairs of Human Rights in Turkey is far less rose-colored every bit far as we can larn from the most recent study of the European Commission. There are repeating violations of the right to liberty andsecurity and to a just test, every bit good as of the freedom of look, assembly and association,through the disproportional application of the statute law on terrorist act and organized offense.

Further limitation of the freedom of the media in pattern and the turning figure of tribunal instances against authors and journalists remain serious issues. As a effect, self-censorship is progressively widespread.Harmonizing to the text of the CPJ ( Committee to Protect Journalists ) 2012 study, Turkey is defined “ one of the top prison guard of journalists worldwide ” . In all, CPJ identified 76 journalists imprisoned as of August 1, 2012. After carry oning a individual reappraisal, CPJ concluded that at least 61 of these journalists were being held in direct relation to their published work or newsgathering activities. Today, Turkey ‘s imprisonments surpass the following most-repressive states, including Iran, Eritrea and China. ( CPJ study on Google+ )CPJ has revealed through its instance analysis that the charged journalists are routinely held for drawn-out periods as waiting for the test and frequently submitted to harsh interventions even before being judged for their offenses. In the instances of Kurdish journalists, Judgess and jurisprudence enforcement functionaries frequently prohibit the suspects from giving statements in their native Kurdish, even though linguistic communication adjustments are typically extended to other types of suspects.

The most portion of the journalists that have been imprisoned has faced condemnable charges for critical coverage seen as “ minimizing Turkishness ” or act uponing the result of a test, others for take parting to anti-governmental secret plans or for giving support to banned parties like the Kurdish PKK. About the 70percent of the Kurdish journalists imprisoned have been charged for helping the PKK terrorist motion.Recently ( July 2012 ) a monolithic reform bundle of the Judicial field has been approved with the basic purpose to better the freedom of imperativeness in Turkey as strongly recommended by the EU.

This step reduces the punishment for accuses like “ trying to impact the result of a test ” and alters the system that adjudicates serious anti-state and terrorist act instances. The chief job, anyhow, remains the loosely equivocal and obscure definition of terrorist act in the Turkish jurisprudence which is excessively frequently opened to reading. Furthermore, the same month the statute law was adopted, the opinion Justice and Development Party proposed a constitutional amendment that would curtail coverage of the judicial system, national security, and other public issues, along with mistily defined subjects such as “ public ethical motives ” and “ others ‘ rights. “ ( FROM THE REPORT OF CPJ ) . To sum up, the recommendations addressed by the CPJ to the Turkish authorities are the similar to the 1s we can read on newspapers and UE studies: a reform of the Judicial System that can give entree to justness to every citizen is needed, the black state of affairs of human rights and freedom of look has to be improved, following the rules of the European Convention on Human Rights. Furthermore, this sort of issue should hold a great importance on the Turkish political docket as the deficiency of such basic human rights may impact dramatically the state ‘s integrating in Europe.

Unfortunately the recent declarations of politicians from the governing AKP party such as the Justice Minister Sadullah Ergin are rather perplexing. As reported by CNJ Ergin ‘s this is the appraisal of the freedom-of-expression issue:“ We, as the authorities, would non desire any individual individual, whether a journalist or non, to be victimized because of their ideas or looks, ” but “ Turkey must equilibrate the protection of free look against the demand to exclude “ the praising of force and terrorist propaganda. ”Below, the recommendations addressed by CPJ to the Prime Minister Erdogan ( 1 ) and to the Turkish Government ( 2 ) .1.Stop registering calumny ailments against critical journalists, publically deprecating critical journalists, and coercing critical intelligence mercantile establishments to chant down coverage.Publicly province your authorities ‘s acknowledgment of the of import function of a free imperativeness in Turkish society. Let critical observers to return to their occupations without authorities intervention.

2. Let go of all captive journalists who are being held on the footing of journalistic activities, even when those activities support thoughts the authorities finds violative. Halt the condemnable prosecution of journalists in connexion with their coverage and commentary. In tonss of instances documented by CPJ, the authorities has detained journalists on terrorist act and anti-state allegations based merely on grounds of their journalistic activities.

Halt the usage of the anti-terror jurisprudence against journalists. In legion instances documented by CPJ, governments have conflated the look of political positions the authorities finds violative with straight-out terrorist act. Such a pattern contravenes Article 10 of the European Convention on Human Rights.End the pattern of imprisoning journalists for drawn-out periods as they await test or a tribunal finding of fact. CPJ has documented tonss of instances in which journalists have been held for many months or even old ages without holding been convicted of a offense.Basically and comprehensively reform all Torahs used routinely against the imperativeness, including commissariats in the penal codification and anti-terror jurisprudence that criminalize newsgathering and publication of critical or opposingpositions. In outlining amendments to those Torahs, work with Turkey ‘s media and imperativeness freedom organisations.

Comprehensively reform Torahs and ordinances regulating the Internet, including Law 5651, to convey them in line with international criterions for freedom of look. Thousands of web sites have been blocked under Law 5651 with small public or judicial inadvertence.Enact wide constitutional reforms to protect imperativeness freedom and freedom of look in conformity with international legal criterions and Turkey ‘s duties under the European Convention on Human Rights.Reject all attempts to constitutionally limit imperativeness freedom, such as those outlined in a July 2012 proposal submitted by the Justice and Development Party. The July proposal would badly curtail independent news media on important affairs such as national security, the judicial system, and human rights, and would conflict international criterions for free look.

In add-on to this we should take into history that Turkey has been solicited about the pestilence of Kurdish terrorist act active until today and that the dramatic cultural and societal segregation of the Kurdish population still constitutes a societal issue for the state. Turkey has late been urged by the EU both to happen a political solution to the Kurdish issue and to give important attempts to the cause of human rights.PRO EU ANDEUROSKEPTIC CIRCLES IN TURKEYSing the political state of affairs in Turkey, the former argument between the pro-EU and the Eurosceptic circles of public sentiment is an of import domestic factor in determining the political kineticss since the post-Helsinki stage of the dialogues. The interaction between these circles is characterized by cleavages on political and economic facets such as conformity with the Copenhagen political standards and the duties of the imposts brotherhood between Turkey and the EU.

The argument keeps being influenced by the EU attitude towards Turkey ‘s rank. Positive signals from the EU aid to beef up the place of pro-EU circles. On the other manus equivocal messages from the EU tend to weaken the credibleness of the EU accession, broadens the Eurosceptic statements and undermines the Turkish public sentiment ‘s support for EU rank. Basically, there is a immense portion of the political histrions chiefly constituted by non-governmental organisations like MUSIAD ( Independent Industrialists and Businessmen Association ) which by and large support a closer integrating to the EU establishing their sentiment on an accurate balance of costs and benefits. Other administrations like The Turkish Industrialists ‘ and Businessmen ‘s Association ( TUSIAD ) , the Economic Development Foundation ( IKV ) and the Turkish Economic and Social Studies Foundation ( TESEV ) have played the function of EU-oriented positive force per unit area group to force for reforms. On the other manus the chief statement of the Eurosceptic circle is that the ambiguity of the EU attitude towards Turkey ‘s accession has the concealed purpose to maintain Turkey in her domain of influence without offering a clear orientation and dialogue timetable. So the argument continuously displacements between the vision of the Copenhagen standards as a tool for modernization or as a beginning of increasing dependance.There are two more cardinal factors that have to be considered to do a moderately complete appraisal of the Turkey ‘s integrating issue: the former political leading of the state and the Cyprus dead end.

ERDOGAN ‘S POLITICAL LEADERSHIPR. Tayyip Erdogan came to power in 2003 as the leader of the AKP party ( Adalet ve KalkA±nma Partisi, Justice and Development Party ) . The AKP defines itself a conservative and democratic party but its conservativism is supposed to be reflecting merely on societal and moral issues. Despite this specification, a large portion of the Western imperativeness supports specifying the party as “ mildly islamist ” ( the Economist ) or “ Islamic-leaning ” , “ islamist-rooted ” , bring forthing the letdown of the party ‘s leaders. Since 2003 Erdogan has been taking Turkey with the chief purposes of forcing forward Turkey ‘s integrating in Europe and of interrupting the clasp of the Turkish political constitution. Prosecuting the both purposes has non been every bit easy as it seemed at the beginning and one can reason that he achieved the former but did n’t pull off to make the latter.

At the beginning of his leading the traditional Centres of power of the Turkish nationalist Kemalist province were in the military and industrial elite, so Erdogan has made affecting attempts to overhaul this construction in order to set up a concern market unfastened to the new entrepreneurial elite and to Europe. The Turkish leader has used the chance of European integrating to force for reforms that benefit his political undertaking, including those protecting certain spiritual looks and liberalising the economic system. But after the initial period of reforms it seems that he has retained the constructions of the autocratic province he inherited and the more recent replies to the European call have been weak, particularly sing the field of human rights and judicial reforms. The latest intelligence show a progressive deficiency of committedness to the European integrating cause in the leader ‘s head and a more aggressive manner of pull offing the relation with the EU. The Prime Minister ‘s new attitude sounds progressively dismissive of the EU, concentrating alternatively on Turkey ‘s function as a regional power. Recently Erdogan has declared the proposal to reconstruct the decease punishment to cover with terrorist act related offenses.

This has been seen by the public sentiment like a measure rearward as the abolition of the decease punishment had been one of the chief stairss towards the democratisation of the state and the stipulation to EU application. Anyway both protagonists and disparagers agree Erdogan dominates Turkey ‘s political scene. To his fans, he is a dynamic, modernizing force. To oppositions, he is dissentious, even endangering.THE CYPRUS DEADLOCKApparently the hot subject about Turkey ‘s accession to Europe is the inquiry of Cyprus. Since the island has been split ( 1974 ) in two parts the Cyprus north-south divide has turned into one of the unresolved inquiry of our century.

Many diplomatic attempts have been made by the most inflowing International Organizations of the World but since the failure of the Annan Plan to reconstitute the Unified Republic of Cyprus as a federation of two States ( referendum result: Grecian Cypriots rejected the proposal by 76 % , while 65 % of the Turkish Cypriots accepted it ) , the position of happening an acceptable solution is melting. Since 1st January 2012 the Republic of Cyprus has took the presidential term of the EU bring forthing a moving ridge of letdown in the Turkish political elite and in the public sentiment. Previously Turkey-EU dealingss have been strained by the EU ‘s determination to suspend dialogues with Turkey for eight of the 35 chapters. This was because Turkey had refused to open its ports and airdromes to merchandise from Grecian Cyprus.

The EU demanded that Turkey should open its ports and airdromes as one of the demands of the Ankara Protocol associating to the free motion of goods, including limitations on agencies of conveyance. Turkey grounded its place sing the Cyprus issue on its unrealized outlook of the stoping of the isolation by the EU of the Turkish Cypriot community in the North of the island. Turkey ‘s attempt to interrupt the Cyprus dead end by offering to open up one port and one airdrome to merchandise from Greek Cyprus was perceived by the EU as a positive but deficient measure. Turkey ‘s offer could forestall neither the partial suspension of dialogues nor the EU determination non to shut any chapter provisionally until the Commission confirmed that Turkey had to the full implemented its committednesss with regard to the Ankara Protocol. And there the state of affairs stuck.SurveyIn add-on it is provided a little study between 20 Turks populating in Estonia and their relations from the fatherland. The chief subjects of the sceptic pro-EU argument have interestingly come out from this informal interviews.

Some of the interviews have been taken on Skype, some of them face to confront between pupils from the TTU and workers around Tallinn, the staying portion by mail. The general feeling is that the greatest portion of the people interviewed would wish to fall in Europe, the grounds are varied. Another general feeling is that the existent AKP leader ‘s attitude has the worst impact of all time on the public sentiment, he has seen as “ informer of Ataturk ‘s memory ” , “ dictator ” , a smart politician interested more in the economic power than in the echt development of his state.

Furthermore, the bulk of people interviewed has a moderately strong belief that the Turkish manner of thought is non compatible with the European 1, specifically the explication displacement between a spiritual one and a cultural 1. By and large the Turks consequence really proud of their civilization, some of them have no purpose to see the Turkish head switching to the capitalistic values of Europe and all of them declare that the cultural integrating may ensue an obstruction impossible to get the better of. It is interesting to detect that the people that belong to the former coevals has a more positive position of the accession to the EU, they think that Turkey will profit economically and in footings of services such as the quality of the University and the degree of engineering. But the affair fact is that all the people interviewed, without exclusions, lament the trouble in obtaining the VISA for Europe. Harmonizing to them the Turks are willing to go around Europe and are able to give a cherished part to the European economic and rational growing so the abolition of the VISA would be a addition for both states. The deficiency of assurance towards the EU attitude is monolithic and it is possible to detect a kind of resentment towards the recent accession of Romania and Bulgaria that is regarded as an easy procedure and the consequence of a privileged intervention.

A moderately big portion of the interviewed are disquieted about the Eurocrisis and the addition of the cost of life as a consequence of EU accession.DecisionBased on the above analysis, taking into history the pros and cons of the issue, sing the unresolved and purportedly insolvable diplomatic jobs related to it, adding the attitudes of both parts on the inquiry, it is possible merely to progress theoretical decisions:Turkey is non willing to a entire integrating with Europe in itself ;The political involvements of both parts are switching to other Fieldss ;the potency of the integrating might be positiveif the procedure will be carried on with the usual beat and attitude we may ne’er be able to see the consequence.