Changes In Women And Marriage Essay, Research Paper
This paper presents an in-depth treatment about the changing
relationship between adult females and matrimony. Economic factors, a rise in
feminism, parents? influence, attitudes about sex, educational
chases, and divorce statistics are discussed and their influence on
adult females? s attitudes toward matrimony are explored. Cultural alterations that
hold impacted adult females? s lives are besides examined. The intent of the
paper is to research the alterations impacting adult females, their attitudes
toward matrimony, and their outlooks of matrimony. This paper will
chiefly concentrate on the inquiry of why adult females delay matrimony. The
beginnings used to develop this paper are published diaries, the text
for this class along with other books related to this issue, and the
The Changing Relationship Between Women and Marriage
Over the past four decennaries at that place has been significant alterations
in the attitudes toward matrimony among adult females in the United States.
These attitudes relate to gender functions and societal alterations in today? s
society and have contributed to adult females get marrieding subsequently than their
ascendants married. Studies show American adult females are waiting longer
than of all time to acquire married. Their average age at first matrimony hit a
record high of 24.5 old ages in 1994, up from 20 old ages in the mid 1950? s
( Crispell, 1996 ) . That? s the oldest age since the Census Bureau
started to inquire about age at matrimony in 1890. Of class postponing
matrimony means an addition, at any given clip, in the figure of people
who have ne’er wed, and that is besides reflected in the nose count survey.
From 1970 to 1994 the figure of Americans aged 18 and over who ne’er
married more than doubled from 21.4 million to 44.2 million.
Additionally, adult females may be less likely to get married in the hereafter.
Projections show the proportion of ne’er married adult females increasing
between 1992 and 2010 for all age groups under 55 ( Crispell ) .
Harmonizing to Allen & A ; Kalish ( 1984 ) , the timing of a first
matrimony is related to the attraction of the options to
marrying. When adult females value roles that provide feasible options to
the function of married woman, they delay matrimony. The function of adult females has undergone
important transmutation brought about by alterations in society.
Today? s households are smaller and unrecorded thirster, thereby leting adult females
to give a smaller portion of their lives to raising kids than was
the instance in earlier times ( Allen & A ; Kalish ) . Therefore, more clip is left
for other chases. A adult female who enters her first matrimony at an older
age is less likely to interchange dependance on her parents for
dependance on a hubby ( Unger & A ; Crawford, 1992 ) . Elder ( 1974 ) found
that adult females who married subsequently were more likely to hold callings,
fiscal stableness and be in-between category as opposed to lower category
background. What has transformed social attitudes toward matrimony so
that immature adult females detain it, older adult females get out of it, and some adult females
skip it wholly? Economic factors, a rise in feminism, parental
influences, attitudes about sex, educational chases, and the divorce
rate have all undergone important cultural alterations and are among
some of the grounds being credited for act uponing the thoughts adult females
hold about matrimony. Let? s examine these influences and the attitudes
of adult females which determine their determination to get married or detain matrimony. We
will besides analyze the outlooks of matrimony that today? s educated
adult females may hold and how these outlooks differ from other adult females? s
Economic factors have resulted in adult females working outside the
place, and have had a strong influence over a adult female? s determination to
marry. ? The of all time increasing chances for adult females to work outside
the place make her less and less dependent, economically, upon a
hubby? ( Casler, 1974, p. 30 ) . Late marrying adult females indicated that
callings took comparative precedency over matrimony during the period of
their lives when their? less achievement & # 8211 ; oriented equals were choosing
for matrimony? ( Allen & A ; Kalish, p. 141 ) . Womans now in the labour market
privation more than merely a? occupation? , and hence, actively prosecute a
? calling? . Between 1969 and 1979, for illustration, per centums of adult females
backing desiring to be? an authorization in my field? increased from
54.3 % to 70.5 % and in 1979 were merely 4.8 % lower than the per centum
for work forces. Womans backing desiring? to raise a household? declined in these
old ages from 77.8 % to64.8 % which equals the per centum for work forces. ( Long,
1983 ) .
Becker? s ( 1981 ) theories of matrimony and household behaviour
speculate that adult females? s increasing labour force engagement has had
a critical and presumptively irreversible impact on the household. If half
of all matrimonies are to neglect, and with maintenance for ex-wives less
common, a adult female can non number upon matrimony for a life-time of economic
security ( Allen & A ; Kalish ) . Work force? s economic position has well
deteriorated since the 1970? s ( Oppenheimer, 1994 ) . The average income
of work forces aged 25 to 34 fell by 26 % between 1972 and 1994 ( Koontz, 1997 ) .
The establishment of matrimony underwent a peculiarly rebellious and
dramatic displacement when adult females entered the work force. ? People wear? Ts have
to remain married because of economic forces now. . . we are in the
thick of seeking to renegociate what the matrimony contracts is & # 8211 ; what
work forces and adult females are suppose to make as spouses? ( Gleick, 1995 ) . Surveies
demo the lowest matrimony rate of all is for adult females professionals ( i.e. ,
physicians, attorneies ) . While over three-quarterss of all adult females in the United
States aged 35 to 39 are married, fewer than two tierces of these
are professional adult females. Further, when they do get married, professional
adult females are more likely to disassociate than their age equals. As for
childbirth, these adult females have significantly fewer kids than their
nonprofessional opposite numbers, when they have kids at all ( Allen & A ;
Kalish ) . In the instance of holding kids Oppenheimer argues that? the
major constituent of the cost of kids is the? indirect? cost & # 8211 ; the
cost of the female parent? s clip? ( p. 295 ) .
A rise in feminism is credited for being another strong
influence in adult females? s lives. Feminism motions, with accent upon
educational and vocational accomplishments for adult females, seem to promote
going from traditional sex functions which were chiefly organized
around matrimony and kids, and toward more extended callings for
adult females, particularly those who are good educated ( Becker ) . ? Even though
non all immature adult females label themselves women’s rightists, the thought that adult females
can and should hold aspirations other than married woman and female parent has been
widely accepted? ( Unger & A ; Crawford, pg. 364 ) . While it is true the
adult female? s motion has made important advancement in its effort to
equalize chances, the state of affairs continues to be blatantly
unjust. ? It has been said that matrimony diminishes adult male, which is
frequently true ; but about ever it annihilates adult female? ( Casler, p. 30 ) .
Womans, fighting to lift above the? homemaker? function, have a strong
desire to be valued for some of the same qualities work forces are valued
for: aspiration, intelligence, and independency. Unfortunately,
subservient position of the married adult female is profoundly embedded in history.
? Conventional marriage is seen by some to be a major stumbling block
in the way toward adult females? s release? ( Casler, pg. 177 ) .
? Modernization has necessarily led to the growing of individuality with
its accent on the importance of self fulfilment as opposed to the
subordination of single demands? ( Oppenheimer ) . As a consequence, adult females
non merely are get downing to take less traditional lives, but are besides
progressively tolerant of differences in life manners among others
( Becker ) . The old position order that granted work forces a privileged place
in the household is crumpling. Advocates of adult females? s authorization have
emphasized the consequence of adult females? s instruction and income on their
determination doing authorization within the family ( Lundberg & A ; Pollack,
1996 ) . Policies that empower adult females have been supported with claims
that they will increase the well being of kids. The belief that
? childs do better? when their female parents control a larger fraction of
household has been proven ( Lundberg & A ; Pollack ) .
Parental influence and upbringing, no uncertainty, have a
perforating influence on a adult female? s thoughts and her perceptual experiences on
matrimony. Several surveies have focused on parents? influence on a
adult female? s matrimonial timing. Late marriers had less dating experience and
more parental limitations than earlier marriers did ( Elder ) . It was
found that the parents of late get marrieding adult females did non stress instruction
and calling over matrimony but, valued calling in its ain right in such a
manner that they provided their girls with permission to prosecute a
non-normative way ( Allen & A ; Kalish ) . So, it appears that parents of
tardily get marrieding adult females have put less force per unit area on their girls to get married
than parents of the normative groups. In surveies of adult females? s
educational accomplishments and household influences, it seems that adult females
who pursue higher instruction ends and callings during the norm
get marrieding old ages have, if non encouragement, at least credence of
their pick by their parents. Furthermore, father? s business and
instruction and female parent? s instruction history for one-half of the discrepancy
in matrimonial timing for adult females, which is consistent with the thought that
both parents support their girl in academic and calling accomplishment
if they themselves have achieved more ( Allen & A ; Kalish ) . In another
survey, parents of high educational and occupational degree position,
exert positive influences on their girl? s instruction and calling
programs. Working female parents or female parents who are calling oriented, tend to
act upon their girls in that way. A close relationship with
parents and designation with their male parents are besides positive
forecasters of calling orientations of immature adult females. A figure of surveies
besides have indicated that adult females who marry tardily are close to their
parents. Frequently, their calling ends are consistent with their
household backgrounds ( Allen & A ; Kalish ) .
Modern attitudes about sex are besides act uponing adult females.
Traditionally, matrimony was seen as a manner to legalize sexual
dealingss. With the reaching of easy available birth control, sexual
freedom is no longer a? wages? to be associated with matrimony
( Allen & A ; Kalish ) . Prenuptial sex and life together agreements have
go more acceptable to many ( Unger & A ; Crawford ) . Womans who married
tardily will hold been more able to hold equal sexual lives before
matrimony than adult females who married during the mean marrying old ages.
Te marriers considered prenuptial sex more acceptable than normative
marriers. Willingness to take part in intimate personal and sexual
relationships outside of matrimony reduces the attraction of the
matrimony function ( Gottman, 1994 ) .
The chase of an instruction is another important influence
on adult females, with the degree of instruction achieved by adult females being straight
related to their matrimonial age ( Elder ) . College attending among adult females
has doubled & # 8211 ; one out of five adult females obtained some college instruction in
the mid 1960? s compared to two out of five in the early 1980? s. ? With
their rapid addition in college attending, by 1983 adult females constituted
over half of the pupil organic structure at biennial colleges and closed to half
of the pupils go toing four-year colleges? ( McLaughlin, 1988,
p.35 ) . The most dramatic alterations have occurred in the professions of
jurisprudence and medical specialty. The figure of adult females going attorneies increased from
230 in 1960 to about 12,000 in 1982 up from 3 to 33 % of all
attorneies. Similarly, the figure of adult females who received medical grades
increased from 3 % in 1960 to about 4,000 in 1981, stand foring
a leap from 6 to 25 % of all medical grades. Womans are besides quickly
turning in the professions of architecture and concern
disposal, professions antecedently dominated by males. By 1985
adult females were gaining half of all unmarried man and maestro grades and over a
tierce of the doctor’s degrees, compared to the 42 % of all unmarried man grades,
32 % of maestro grades and 10 % of all doctor’s degrees in the 1960? s
( O? Neill, 1989 ) . The consequence is that both instruction and experience
degrees of the female labour force have begun to increase at a faster
rate than they have for the male labour force ( McLaughlin ) . Koontz
found that extremely educated adult females in professional callings are less
probably than adult females in general to be involved in matrimony and parenting.
In recent decennaries, the per centum of immature adult females obtaining advanced
grades and prosecuting a professional calling has increased dramatically.
Between 1971 and 1980 the per centum of adult females aged 30-39 who completed
four or more old ages of college rose from 10.3 to 18.8 per centum ( Koontz ) .
A positive relationship between educational attainment and the timing
of matrimony for adult females exists.
A adult female? s completed birthrate degree is besides extremely correlated
with her educational attainment in portion because of the consequence of
delayed childbearing on birthrate. Educational attainment is
negatively associated with the likeliness that adult females will of all time get married
and/or bear kids. Educational attainment is besides related to the
likeliness of divorce, for adult females but non for work forces. Womans who have
completed six or more old ages of college have significantly higher rates
of divorce than adult female at all other instruction degrees, except high
school drop-outs. High degrees of instruction by adult females is extremely
predictive of delayed and decreased engagement in matrimonial and parental
functions ( Allen & A ; Kalish ) .
Admiting the prevalence of divorce may act upon a
adult female? s hereafter determination to get married. Plenty of immature adult females have seen
unhappy matrimonies as they grew up & # 8211 ; giving them an apprehensible fright
of perpetrating themselves. This may account for the rapid growing in the
proportion of adult females rejecting matrimony. We all know the statistics & # 8211 ;
half of all matrimonies in the United States end in divorce and about a
tierce of all kids are born out of marriage. As a consequence four out of
10 childs Don? t live with both of their biological parents ( Chollar,
1993 ) . Delayed matrimony and continued high divorce degrees will unite
to shrivel the portion of presently married work forces and adult females in most age
groups. In the twenty-first century, work forces will stay more married than adult females
because of the excess of big adult females in all but the under age 25
group ( McLaughlin ) . Gottman found that a major ailment of divorced
adult females was that their ex-husband? s had the bulk of power. Furthermore,
it is still overpowering adult females, non work forces, who are called upon to
set their work lives to the demands of kid raising by discontinuing
their occupations, working part-time or taking a flexible occupation over one that
offers higher wage ( Cherlin, 1990 ) . Womans are besides demoing less
forbearance with job matrimonies as turning Numberss unravel the
matrimony bond with divorce.
The diminution in the ideal of matrimonial permanency & # 8211 ; one of the
most good documented value alterations among Americans in recent decennaries & # 8211 ;
besides has tended to do individuals less willing and able to do the
needed committednesss to and investings in matrimony ( Gleick, 1993, P.
28 ) . While come ining into matrimony with the? extreme attention and deepest
consideration can merely be to the good, it may be marriage itself & # 8211 ;
along with the most basic establishments like the work topographic point & # 8211 ; that
continues to necessitate refinement? ( Gleick, p. 28 ) . Today? s adult females, all excessively
aware of the current divorce Numberss, may be hesitating to come in into
I would state we? re in a stalled revolution. . . adult females have
gone into the labour force, but non much else has changed to accommodate to
that new state of affairs. We have non rewired the impression of manhood so that
it makes sense to work forces to take part at place ( Gleick, pg. 56 ) .
Many married adult females describe although their function has changed when
they entered the work force, work forces primary have kept making what they
have ever been making, therefore, seting extra loads on adult females
( Gleick ) . ? However it seems that it is non the increased work load
itself but instead the increased inequality that makes female parents less
satisfied with their matrimonies than nonmothers? ( Unger & A ; Crawford, pg.
375 ) . Work force are doing some advancement though, in taking on family
undertakings, including kid attention, but adult females still shoulder most of the
load in households.
One of the most likely grounds for the diminution in matrimonial
success is an addition in what individuals expect of matrimony. The degrees
of familiarity, emotional support, company, and sexual
satisfaction that people believe they should acquire from matrimony differ
because of the dislocation of what it means to be hubby or married woman.
Whereas, until late, the rights and duties of
partner? s were prescribed culturally and reasonably good understood by merely
about everyone, they have become a affair for ordinance in the
single matrimonies for some this has led to disagree and
letdown ( Gleick, p. 26 ) .
Wholly so, cultural alterations related to sex functions would
seem to bring forth different outlooks of matrimony. A adult female who has
supported herself to the age of 25 or above and has lived on her ain
until that age has had clip to acquire more instruction, be exposed more to
a assortment of position points and experiences, and hence, is more
probably to anticipate a equal relationship with her hubby. ? All in all,
she is more likely than a younger adult female to come in matrimony with a well
developed sense of ego worth and wide skylines for her life? ( Unger
& A ; Crawford, pg. 364 ) . Compared with a adult female who marries younger & # 8211 ; she
is more likely to anticipate a more traditional relationship in which
the hubby is dominant ( Everett, 1991 ) . Harmonizing to Everett,
younger adult females expect greater communicating, company, and
compatibility with their partners than older adult females. Possibly younger
adult females, still maturating, have non yet developed their ain sense of ego
worth and, hence, depend on their partner to carry through their demands of
worthiness. As opposed to older adult females who, in most instances, have a more
stronger sense of ego worth.
The traditional deal struck between work forces and adult females & # 8211 ;
fiscal support for domestic services & # 8211 ; is no longer valid. Womans
hold shown outstanding betterments in instruction, and played a major
portion in the work force. With instruction and business in their custodies,
adult females do non necessitate to trust on work forces for economic support, therefore matrimony
is non an immediate concern any longer. However, it should be noted that
when both hubby and married woman are employed the matrimony is given an
However, all of these alterations have spurred adult females to
greater liberty. Each has affected matrimony in a different manner, but
all have worked in integrity toward the same consequence & # 8211 ; to do matrimony
less pressing and more arbitrary. Marriage may alter for the better if
people are committed to doing the establishment work, although in a new
format. Still, surveies show immature grownup adult females still care about
matrimony sufficiency that the struggle between work life and household life
remains intense. It? s declaration remains a major issue on the populace
docket for the hereafter.
& # 8212 ;
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