Last updated: June 12, 2019
Topic: LawGovernment
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Economic Constitution Essay, Research Paper


& # 8220 ; The Constitution of 1787 was written entirely to progress the economic involvements of the upper categories of the United States. & # 8221 ;

At the clip the Fundamental law of 1787 was written, America had merely won its independency from the monarchy of England. In England, the male monarch and the nobility controlled the land and the money at the disbursal of the people. This limited the people & # 8217 ; s opportunities for economic promotion. When these oppressed people broke off from English regulation, the freshly founded state was based on the rule & # 8220 ; that all work forces are created equal, that they are endowed by their Godhead with certain inalienable Rights, that among these are Life, Liberty and the chase of Happiness. & # 8221 ; ( Declaration of Independence, Page 100 in Documents of American History ) . With freedom from England, Americans now had the opportunity for economic equality. However, the more educated and comfortable Americans now controlled an unequal sum of land and money. As a consequence, they wanted to maintain their wealth and non be excessively taxed for the interest of democracy. This state of affairs posed a dramatic contradiction in that these rich Americans were moving in a really similar mode to the English nobility which they had fought against to finally derive their independency. These Americans were the same people who wrote the Constitution of 1787 of the United States. However, they wrote the Constitution in such a manner that they would confound the common people and let the wealthy to constitutionally retain their wealths.

Among these affluent Americans were work forces such as James Madison and Alexander Hamilton. To support their economic involvements, they issued essays to convert the bulk of Americans, lower category than themselves, that they should hold their wealth protected. These essays were known as the Federalist Papers, and one in peculiar expressed their economic involvements through the fog of continuing autonomy and avoiding & # 8220 ; the force of cabal & # 8221 ; ( The Federalist No. 10, Page 283 ) . Madison knew that the Articles of Confederation failed and that some power needed to be given to a cardinal authorities. His chief concern, nevertheless, seemed to be that as a member of the upper category, he could retain his personal wealth.

The upper category needed to utilize their influence to maintain their money and land, while converting the bulk that everyone is free and equal like the Declaration of Independence says. There are two ways that Madison proposed to make this. First, he says that there should be less power given to the federal authorities and hence no cardinal revenue enhancement. By giving the provinces the power to revenue enhancement, the upper category could utilize their influence more efficaciously locally, instead than nationally. The 2nd scheme Madison used to support the affluent category is by explicating that it is really easy in a democracy for the bulk to suppress the minority. & # 8220 ; Either the being of the same passion or involvement in a bulk at the same clip, must be prevented to concert and transport into consequence strategies of oppression. & # 8221 ; ( The Federalist No. 10, Page 285 ) He knew that with a democracy, the bulk will win what is in their best involvement through vote. Therefore he had to convert the & # 8220 ; bulk & # 8221 ; ( i.e. hapless people ) to avoid over taxing the & # 8220 ; inferior figure & # 8221 ; ( i.e. rich people ) . & # 8220 ; The allotment of revenue enhancements on the assorted descriptions of belongings, is an act which seems to necessitate the most exact nonpartisanship ; yet, there is possibly no legislative act in which greater chance and enticement are given to a prevailing party, to tread on the regulations of justness. Every shilling with which they over-burden the inferior figure, is a shilling saved to their ain pockets. & # 8221 ; ( The Federalist No. 10, Page 285 ) He farther had the audaciousness to state that the chief intent of the Constitution is to safeguard the & # 8220 ; liberty & # 8221 ; of the a

ccomplished people to retain their assets: ” the protection of unequal modules of a geting belongings is the first object of Government.”

Madison besides slyly proposed that there should be province representatives, which allow the authorities to protect the people from themselves. & # 8221 ; to polish and enlarge the public positions, by go throughing them through the medium of a chosen organic structure of citizens, whose wisdom may outdo spot the true involvement of their state, and whose nationalism and love of justness, will be least likely to give it to impermanent or partial considerations the public voice, pronounced by the representatives of the people, will be more harmonic to the public good, than if pronounced by the people themselves & # 8221 ; ( The Federalist No. 10, Page 286 ) I feel that through this long, drawn out proposal is genuinely hiding his motivations that by holding province representatives, the upper category can act upon the representatives better, or even that they themselves will acquire elected as representatives.

It is evident that the Federalist Paper is defended the upper category, but during the Debate in the Virginia Ratifying Convention, George Mason expressed a similar accent for imposing revenue enhancements by stressing province & # 8217 ; s rights. He foremost states that by giving the federal authorities the right to revenue enhancement, it is diminished the province authorities power and therefore created one cardinal, & # 8220 ; despotic & # 8221 ; authorities. & # 8220 ; The premise of this power of puting direct revenue enhancements does, of itself, wholly change the alliance of the provinces into one amalgamate authorities The really thought of change overing what was once a alliance to a amalgamate authorities, is wholly insurgent of every rule which has hitherto governed us. This power is calculated to eliminate wholly the province governments. & # 8221 ; ( Debate, Page 290 ) . Mason besides went on to state, & # 8220 ; by history at that place ne’er was a authorities over a really extended state without destructing the autonomies of the people monarchy may accommodate a big district, and despotic authoritiess over so extended a state, but that popular authoritiess can merely be in little territories. & # 8221 ; ( Debate, Pages 290 ) Through this statement, he implied by holding separate province authoritiess in the authorities it was harder for the cardinal authorities to germinate into a monistic organic structure.

Article I of The Constitution fundamentally states all of the legislative powers in the Congress. Section 8 of The Constitution of the United States says, & # 8220 ; The Congress shall hold Power To put and roll up Taxes, Duties, Imposts and Excises, to pay the Debts and supply for the common Defence and general Welfare of the United States ; but all Duties, Imposts and Excises shall be unvarying throughout the United States ; & # 8221 ; Through this statement, The Constitution is fundamentally saying that Congress has the power to command the economic system of the state. By stating the Congress, which is the Senate and the House of Representatives, the Constitution states what both Madison and Mason wanted, the province representatives have influence on the economic system of the United States.

The Federalist documents were written by some of the same people who helped set up the Constitution of 1787. Federalist Paper No.10 outlined the affluent writers & # 8217 ; economic involvements. Therefore, the Constitution of the United States besides includes the involvements of these upper category Americans. However, as seen in the Virginia Ratifying Convention, Mason emphasized the same Republican decision: give the provinces the right to hold a little group of representatives, some from each province, which vote for the big groups of people in those provinces. So the Constitution, eventually, appears to organize a via media between the economic involvements of the bulk and of the minority. Therefore, the Constitution displays the least democratic manner of commanding the economic system, but still looking to be in the best involvement of the common adult male.